Political Analysis: UPKO and the Strategy of “Principled Cooperation” – Challenging the ‘Kuala Lumpur Puppet’ Perception

By Mohd Khairy Abdullah @ DG Henry
KOTA KINABALU (Sabah, Malaysia), 7 October 2025 — In a political climate often saturated with “anti-Malaya” rhetoric and revived autonomy discourse, the United Progressive Kinabalu Organisation (UPKO) has emerged as a political actor willing to defy the prevailing populist current. While many Sabah-based parties continue to weaponize regional sentiment, UPKO has introduced a more structured and calculated approach — one it defines as “principled cooperation.”

This strategy reframes the long-standing Sabah–Federal relationship, rejecting the notion that participation in the federal government equates to subservience. Instead, UPKO presents a model of political engagement grounded in institutional realism — asserting that Sabah’s strength does not lie in distancing itself from Kuala Lumpur, but in ensuring its influence is embedded within the architecture of national power.

Post-2018 Sabah politics has been characterized by the resurgence of autonomy narratives and public fatigue over unfulfilled federal promises. In this context, many regional parties have sought legitimacy through the populist cry of “Sabah for Sabah.” Yet such emotional appeals often culminate in rhetorical victories rather than policy outcomes.

UPKO, by contrast, has rejected confrontation as a political tool, choosing instead to participate within the federal structure to shape policy from within. This approach represents a form of progressive realpolitik, in which Sabah ceases to be a passive recipient of federal policies and becomes an active co-author of national direction.

“Principled cooperation” is thus not submission — it is a strategy of influence. It is premised on the belief that Sabah’s true power lies not in opposing Putrajaya, but in transforming negotiation into tangible results for the state’s citizens.

One of UPKO’s main challenges has been dispelling the perception that its participation in the Unity Government under Pakatan Harapan compromises Sabah’s autonomy. Yet, an examination of Datuk Ewon Benedick’s leadership — both as UPKO President and as Minister of Entrepreneur Development and Cooperatives — reveals a different reality.

Through his federal portfolio, Ewon has leveraged institutional access to channel federal influence back into Sabah: securing funds for rural cooperatives, expanding entrepreneurship programs, and promoting community-based economic empowerment. These are not gestures of compliance, but exercises of political leverage.

In contemporary Malaysian politics, effectiveness — not defiance — is the ultimate measure of legitimacy. And by that standard, UPKO has positioned itself as a policy conduit, not a puppet, transforming its federal participation into an asset for Sabah’s socioeconomic development.

UPKO’s political positioning signals a new phase in subnational politics — what can be termed rational nationalism, which balances regional identity with national responsibility.

Unlike reactive nationalism that frames the Federation as an adversary, rational nationalism asserts that Sabah’s strength can and should be realized through Malaysia, not against it.

This mirrors subnational trends in Scotland, Quebec, and Catalonia, where regional parties have pursued greater autonomy and resource rights through institutional engagement rather than separatist confrontation. UPKO’s trajectory similarly recasts Sabah nationalism from one of resistance to one of influence — a nationalism that asserts equality, not alienation.

Central to UPKO’s political philosophy is a structural interpretation of the Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63). For UPKO, MA63 is not a symbolic token of autonomy, but a legal and moral framework for federal justice.

By reaffirming that MA63 represents rights, not rewards, UPKO distances itself from populist exploitation of the issue and instead embeds it within institutional policymaking. This approach transforms MA63 from a political slogan into a policy instrument, giving it lasting relevance within Malaysia’s federal structure.

UPKO’s strategic orientation also reflects a broader shift in Sabah’s political culture — from emotion-driven populism to performance-based politics. The party consistently rejects outrage-based mobilization, prioritizing measurable governance outcomes instead.

This evolution is increasingly resonant among rural middle-class voters and young Sabah professionals, who evaluate politics through the lens of policy efficiency rather than rhetorical confrontation. For them, “results” are a more persuasive currency than “resentment.”

The forthcoming 17th Sabah State Election (PRN-17) will test the viability of UPKO’s “principled cooperation” narrative against competing ideological frames: one built on emotional identity politics, the other on administrative effectiveness.

Should voters prioritize policy returns over populist slogans, UPKO’s model may emerge as a prototype of modern subnational governance — a party that commands influence within the system rather than protests from its margins.

Within Malaysia’s domestic geopolitical landscape, UPKO’s strategy signals a critical transformation in Sabah’s political posture: from symbolic resistance to strategic agency.

The party is reconstructing the meaning of cooperation in a federal context — not as the surrender of identity, but as the assertion of maturity and influence.

Sabah, in UPKO’s formulation, does not need anger to assert dignity;
it needs access, leverage, and courage to sit at the decision-making table — not as Kuala Lumpur’s puppet, but as an equal partner in a Madani Malaysia.