Sabah State Election 2025: The Momogun Dilemma — Between Legacy, Fragmentation, and a Nation-Building Opportunity

By: [Mohd Khairy Abdullah @ DG Henry]
Political Editor, Southeast Asia Political Review

SOOK (Sabah, Malaysia), 26 July 2025 – In the study of ethnic politics and federal governance, one principle remains universally accepted: the indigenous and majority communities of a region must play a leading role in its political architecture. Sabah, as a constituent territory that joined Malaysia through the historic Malaysia Agreement 1963 (MA63), remains one of Southeast Asia’s most ethnically diverse states. Yet within this plurality, the Momogun people — Kadazan, Dusun, Murut, and Rungus (KDMR) — are both the indigenous population and demographic majority in Sabah. On that basis alone, both democratic logic and moral equity dictate that they should rightfully lead Sabah’s political future.

The 17th Sabah State Election (PRN-17) is not merely a contest of candidates or coalitions — it is a critical test of the political maturity and unity of the Momogun nation. The question remains: will they continue to fracture their electoral influence, or will they rise above division and reclaim their rightful place through the only party with historical legitimacy, proven governance, and national institutional clout — UPKO?

In federal systems worldwide — from Canada to Bolivia, from India to the Philippines — indigenous and ethnoregional majority groups are afforded political space to govern their ancestral regions. In Sabah, the Momogun’s status as the native and majority people is not only a demographic reality — it is a political imperative.

Ironically, despite being the majority in over 40 of Sabah’s state constituencies, the KDMR bloc has historically underperformed in terms of political power — a consequence of internal division, external manipulation, and the strategic deployment of splinter parties acting as proxies.

When majorities divide, democracy loses its foundational representation. It weakens political stability and deprives the people of genuine self-determination.

Amidst this fragmentation, UPKO (United Pasokmomogun Kadazandusun Murut Organisation) stands out as the only party with historic legitimacy, policy credentials, and proven institutional structures to unify and represent the Momogun cause.

Founded in 1961 by Sabah’s first Chief Minister, Tun Fuad Stephens, UPKO was not merely a party — it was an architect of Malaysia, a signatory force behind MA63, and a long-standing advocate of indigenous and regional rights.

Over the decades, UPKO has championed:

• PANTAS, the state’s most successful native land titling program,
• The institutionalization of Kadazandusun language education in schools and universities,
• The establishment of INDEP, PEKADUS, the Kadazandusun Language Foundation (KLF), and the Kadazandusun Chamber of Commerce and Industry (KCCI),
• National recognition of Kaamatan as a public holiday,
• Representation in the Technical Committee on MA63 Implementation,
• Creation of ILMAN (Court and Training Institute for Native Affairs),
• Promotion of Bible Knowledge in national curriculum and protection of religious pluralism,
• And most critically, a firm policy position on revenue rights and constitutional equity for Sabah and Sarawak.

No other party in Sabah matches this depth of record.

In electoral terms, the Momogun bloc can determine the outcome of any state government in Sabah — if united. The data is clear: they dominate more than 40 state constituencies. If consolidated under a credible vehicle like UPKO, the KDMR community could once again shape the policy, leadership, and future of the state.

However, persistent fragmentation due to:

• Ego-driven splinter parties,
• Short-lived coalitions with no ideological base,
• Or independent candidates lacking institutional depth,

…has left the majority without a unified voice. This is not a question of capacity — but one of political will.

From an international standpoint, PRN-17 is not just a local election — it represents a classic federal dilemma: can an indigenous, ethnonational majority reclaim institutional power within a democratic framework?

Global parallels abound:

• The Dayak of Sarawak, who’ve moved toward strategic consolidation,
• The Maori of New Zealand, whose political mobilization secured representation through reserved seats,
• Or the First Nations in Canada, now playing central roles in regional governance and policy.

The Momogun can no longer afford to be reactive. They must institutionalize their strength. And in UPKO, they already have the tools, record, and leadership — especially under the dynamic stewardship of Datuk Ewon Benedick, the party’s youngest-ever president and currently Minister of Entrepreneur Development and Cooperatives.

UPKO’s approach under Ewon has been:

• Technocratic, data-driven, and impact-focused,
• Pro-poor and pro-indigenous,
• And forward-looking — from rural entrepreneurship to digital cooperatives, to regional empowerment policy.

In modern politics, numbers alone do not translate to power. Institutional unity, strategic clarity, and credible leadership are what make a majority effective.

Sabah needs stability. Malaysia needs a strong Sabah. And the Momogun people need a united platform — not fragmented vessels.

PRN-17 presents a golden opportunity. If the Momogun wish to shape a just, dignified and sovereign future, then rallying under UPKO is no longer just a political preference — it is a generational necessity.